Monday, April 14, 2014

Media: Eviction Bill deserves to get kicked to the curb

by Mark Brown 
Chicago Sun-Times I April 9, 2014


Rep. Monique Davis has fought since 2009 to forestall being evicted from a Chicago Board of Education building she has used rent-free as her legislative office for the past 11 years.
But when the shoe is on the other foot, the Chicago Democrat takes a dim view of tenants she says “game the system” to thwart landlords — such as her — in eviction court.
At Davis’ urging, an Illinois House committee on Wednesday approved a measure she sponsored to make it easier for Cook County landlords to evict problem tenants.
The bill would impose a 45-day limit for the Cook County sheriff to carry out any eviction after a final order from a judge.
If the sheriff fails to complete the eviction in that time period, the landlord would be free to turn the job over to any legally recognized “peace officer.”
Davis envisions city and suburban police departments conducting the evictions, which I doubt they’d like, or in the alternative, landlords hiring off-duty officers to handle the task.
It’s a really bad idea, as tenant advocates and Cook County Sheriff Tom Dart’s office tried to explain to legislators — to no avail.

Wednesday, April 9, 2014

Further Action Needed on HB 5395 a/k/a the "Pro-Eviction" Bill

IL State Representative Daniel Beiser has re-introduced a bill - HB 5395 - that would accelerate the eviction process by limiting the number of stays a foreclosed homeowner or tenant can file and requiring the sheriff to carry out an eviction within 30 days. If an eviction is not carried out within 30 days, it authorizes the bank to use the police or any other outside party to perform an eviction. 

This bill comes in response to the determined efforts by Chicago area homeownerstenants and homeless residents to fight back against the continued attack on their human right to housing. By directly serving the interests of "too-big-to-fail" Wall Street Banks and other large landowners, this bill lays the groundwork for tens of thousands of struggling Chicagoland homeowners and tenants in to be thrown out onto the street. 



Things in the state legislature are moving quickly. Before being amended, the bill had already passed the Judiciary Committee. The committee would have held a hearing on this bill yesterday if the Chief Sponsor had not declined to bring it forward in response to demonstrated opposition. The Judiciary Committee of the State House will now be holding a hearing on this bill TODAY, Wednesday, April 9th at 4pmEven though time is short, we need to make sure the members of this committee hear from as many people as possible. 

WHAT CAN YOU DO?:

1) Fill out and submit a witness slip by 3pm on April 9th 
- Under Section I, fill in your identification information.
- Under Section II, fill in your organizational affiliation (e.g. "Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign" or "n/a")
- In Section III, select the "Opponent" button for HB 5395 and both amendments (HCA 1 and HFA2). 
- In Section IV, select "Record of Appearance Only." 
- Agree to the ILGA Terms of Agreement. 
- Select the "Create Slip" button.

Tuesday, April 8, 2014

Update on HB 5395


House Judiciary Committee of the 98th General Assembly
The Judiciary Committee had planned to hold a hearing on the most recent amendment to the "Pro Eviction" Bill on the morning of April 8th. However, following demonstrated opposition to the proposed legislation, THE BILL WAS NOT CALLED TODAY!
In addition, State Rep. Daniel Beiser, the bill's chief sponsor did not attend the committee hearing and has since removed himself as HB 5395's chief sponsor. At least one other co-sponsor, Rep. Derrick Smith, has indicated that he will no longer be supporting this bill.
This swift turn of events would not occurred without the rapid response by opponents of the bill.
THANK YOU!
Willie "J.R." Fleming with Rep. LaShawn K. Ford,
who has pledged not to support HB 5395
In less than twelve hours, dozens of people registered their opposition to the bill by submitting witness slips. Many others called their representatives. Willie "J.R." Fleming of the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign was in Springfield alongside advocates from the Sargent Shriver's Center on Poverty Law and the Cook County Sheriff's Office.
In spite of this demonstrated opposition, Rep. Monique Davis, who is once again the chief sponsor of HB 5395, has pledged to reintroduce it to the Judiciary Committee within the next several days.
Before this happens, we will need your help in directly contacting committee members about the bill. We will also seek your help in submitting witness slips again when Rep. Davis brings it back before the committee as expected.

Monday, April 7, 2014

EMERGENCY ACTION NEEDED - Bad "Pro Eviction" Bill


TOMORROW, APRIL 8, 2013, AT 8:30 AM, the Illinois House Judiciary Committee will hold a hearing on House Bill 5395, a bill that could fundamentally alter the way evictions are done in Cook County. This bill had originally been designed so that evictions would be carried out in spite of extreme weather, but has since been amended.  

This bill would now require sheriffs to enforce evictions within 30 days. If they don't, it would allow any third party, including, but not limited to a police officer, to enforce the eviction order - even though it has been longstanding law in Illinois that only a sheriff can evict a defendant in an eviction case!

Please raise your voice for smart, humane, and transparent reforms to eviction law and OPPOSE this bill.

To voice your opposition to HB 5395, please submit a slip by taking the followings simple steps:

2.  Under Section I, fill in your identification information.
 
3.  Under Section II, fill in "Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign"
4.  In Section III, select the "Opponent" button for HB 5395 and both amendments (HCA1 and HFA2).
 
5.  In Section IV, select "Record of Appearance Only."
 
6.  Agree to the ILGA Terms of Agreement
 
7.  Select the "Create Slip" button.

Slips can be submitted until tomorrow, April 8 at 7:30 am.


This bill:

- Only applies to a city of more than 500,000 residents, essentially limiting it to Chicagoland. 
- Limits the number of motions a defendant may file to stay an eviction to only 2. Tenants and foreclosed homeowners will file for stays of eviction when there is a severe crisis that prevents them from moving out voluntarily before a sheriff eviction occurs. 
- Requires the sheriff to carry out an eviction within 30 days. 
· Authorizes a landlord to use the police or any other outside party to perform the eviction. This outside party does not have to be licensed, bonded or even insured. 

Saturday, April 5, 2014

The Great Eviction

We cautiously ascend the staircase, the pitch black of the boarded-up house pierced only by my companion’s tiny circle of light. At the top of the landing, the flashlight beam dances in a corner as Quafin, who offered only her first name, points out the furnace. She is giddy; this house — unlike most of the other bank-owned buildings on the block — isn’t completely uninhabitable.
It had been vacated, sealed and winterized in June 2010, according to a notice on the wall posted by BAC Field Services Corporation, a division of Bank of America. It warned: “entry by unauthorized persons is strictly prohibited.” But Bank of America has clearly forgotten about the house and its requirement to provide the “maintenance and security” that would ensure the property could soon be reoccupied. The basement door is ajar, the plumbing has been torn out of the walls and the carpet is stained with water. The last family to live here bought the home for $175,000 in 2002; eight years later, the bank claimed an improbable $286,100 in past-due balances and repossessed it.
It’s May 2012 and we’re in Woodlawn, a largely African-American neighborhood on the South Side of Chicago. The crew Quafin is a part of dubbed themselves the HIT Squad, short for Housing Identification and Target. Their goal is to map blighted, bank-owned homes with overdue property taxes and neighbors angry enough about the destruction of their neighborhood to consider supporting a plan to repossess on the repossessors.
“Anything I can do,” one woman tells the group after being briefed on its plan to rehab bank-owned homes and move in families without houses. She points across the street to a sagging, boarded-up place adorned with a worn banner — “Grandma’s House Child Care: Register Now!” — and a disconnected number. There are 20 bank-owned homes like it in a five-block radius. Records showed that at least five of them were years past due on their property taxes.
Where exterior walls once were, some houses sport charred holes from fires lit by people trying to stay warm. In 2011, two Chicago firefighters died trying to extinguish such a fire at a vacant foreclosed building. Now, houses across the South Side are pockmarked with red Xs, indicating places the fire department believes to be structurally unsound. In other states – Wisconsin, Minnesota and New York, to name recent examples — foreclosed houses have taken to exploding after bank contractors forgot to turn off the gas.
Most of the occupied homes in the neighborhood we’re visiting display small signs: “Don’t shoot,” they read in lettering superimposed on a child’s face, “I want to grow up.” On the bank-owned houses, such signs have been replaced by heavy-duty steel window guards. (“We work with all types of servicers, receivers, property management and bank asset managers, enabling you to quickly and easily secure your building so you can move on,” boasts Door and Window Guard Systems, a leading company in the burgeoning “building security industry.”)
The dangerous houses are the ones left unsecured, littered with trash and empty Cobra vodka bottles. We approach one that reeks of rancid tuna fish and attempt to push open the basement door, held closed only by a flimsy wire. The next-door neighbor, returning home, asks: “Did you know they killed someone in that backyard just this morning?”
The Equivalent of the Population of Michigan Foreclosed
Since 2007, the foreclosure crisis has displaced at least 10 million people from more than four million homes across the country. Families have been evicted from colonials and bungalows, A-frames and two-family brownstones, trailers and ranches, apartment buildings and the prefabricated cookie-cutters that sprang up after World War II. The displaced are young and old, rich and poor, and of every race, ethnicity and religion. They add up to approximately the entire population of Michigan.
However, African-American neighborhoods were targeted more aggressively than others for the sort of predatory loans that led to mass evictions after the economic meltdown of 2007-2008. At the height of the rapacious lending boom, nearly 50 percent of all loans given to African-American families were deemed “subprime.” The New York Times described these contracts as “a financial time-bomb.”
Over the last year and a half, I traveled through many of these neighborhoods, reporting on the grassroots movements of resistance to foreclosure and displacement that have been springing up in the wake of the explosion. These community efforts have proven creative, inspiring and often effective — but in too many cities and towns, the landscape that forms the backdrop to such a movement of hope is one of almost overwhelming destruction. Lots filled with “Cheap Bank-Owned!” trailers line highways. Cities hire contractors dubbed “Blackwater Bailiffs” to keep pace with the dizzying eviction rate.
In recent years, the foreclosure crisis has been turning many African-American communities into conflict zones, torn between a market hell-bent on commodifying life itself and communities organizing to protect their neighborhoods. The more I ventured into such areas, the more I came to realize that the clash of values going on isn’t just theoretical or metaphorical.
“Internal displacement causes conflict,” explained J.R. Fleming, the chairman of the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign. “And there’s no other country in the world that would force so much internal displacement and pretend that it’s something else.”
Evictions at Gunpoint
It was three in the morning when at least a dozen police cruisers pulled up to the single-story, green-shuttered house in the African-American Atlanta suburb where Christine Frazer and her family lived. The precise number of sheriffs and deputies who arrived is disputed; the local radio station reported 25, while Frazer recalled seeing between 40 and 50.
A locksmith drilled off the home’s locks and dozens of officers burst into the house with flashlights and handguns.
“Who’s in the house?” they shouted. Aside from Frazer, a widow with a vocal devotion to the Man Above, there were three other residents: her 85-year-old mother, her adult daughter and her four-year-old grandson. Things began to happen fast. Animal control rounded up the pets. Officers told the women to get dressed. Could she take a shower? Frazer asked. Imagine there’s a fire in your house, the officer replied.
“They came to my home like I was a drug dealer,” she told reporters later. Over the next seven hours, the officers hauled out the entire contents of her home and cordoned off the street to prevent friends from helping her retrieve her things.
“I have no idea where some of my jewelry is, stuff I bought when I was 30 years old,” said Frazer. “I am sixty-three. They just threw everything everywhere, helter-skelter on the front lawn in the dark.”
The eviction-turned-raid sparked controversy across Atlanta when it occurred in the spring of 2012, in part because Frazer had a motion pending in federal court that should have stayed the eviction, and in part because she was an active participant of Occupy Homes Atlanta. But this type of militarized reaction is often the outcome when communities — especially those of color — organize to resist eviction.
When Nicole Shelton attempted to move back into her repossessed home in a picket-fence subdivision in North Carolina, the Raleigh police department sent in more than a dozen police officers and an eight-person SWAT team. Officers were equipped with M5 submachine guns. A helicopter roared overhead. In Boston, one organizer with the community group City Life/Vida Urbana remembers the police acting so aggressively at an eviction blockade in a Haitian neighborhood that the grandmother of the family had a heart attack right in the driveway.
And sometimes it doesn’t require resistance at all. On the South Side of Chicago, explained Toussaint Losier, a community organizer completing his Ph.D. at the University of Chicago, “They bust in the door, and it’s at the point of a gun that you get evicted.”
Exiles in America
There have been widespread foreclosures — and some organized resistance — in predominately white communities, too. Kevin Kirkman, captain of the civil division of the Lee County sheriff’s office, explained, “I get so many [eviction] papers in here, it’s unbelievable.”
More than 75 percent of the residents in North Carolina’s Lee County are whites. But Kirkman still sees the ripple effects of mass foreclosure here. “You’re talking about a mudslide where a lot of things are affected. You’re talking about taxes, about retail sales if people move, about food services, about gasoline. You see what I’m talking about? When you lose a family in the community? Some people leave the community. I have seen people leave the state of North Carolina.”
He added, “I’m going be honest with you, my feeling is that I would not do these evictions.”
Between 2009 and 2012 African Americans lost just under $200 billion in wealth, bringing the gap between white and black wealth to a staggering 20:1 ratio.
Still, the difficulties white America has faced during the foreclosure crisis don’t compare with what Wall Street and the banks have inflicted, physically and psychologically, on African-American neighborhoods. As countless leaked documents, insider dispositions and Department of Justice filings demonstrate, those neighborhoods were systematically and illegally targeted for the worst of the worst mortgages. As one former Wells Fargo mortgage broker explained in a sworn affidavit, “The company put ‘bounties’ on minority borrowers. By this I mean that loan officers received cash incentives to aggressively market subprime loans in minority communities.”
This pushing of predatory loans was all the more insidious because these same communities had been starved of mortgages for decades as a result of the Federal Housing Authority’s refusal to guarantee loans in communities of color. As Mike Fannon, development associate for the Charles H. Wright Museum of African-American History in Detroit, explained, “The same banks that denied capital now injected too much toxic capital and decimated the local economy.”
The effect, according to a 2012 National Fair Housing Alliance report, has been “the largest loss of wealth for these communities in modern history.” Between 2009 and 2012 African Americans lost just under $200 billion in wealth, bringing the gap between white and black wealth to a staggering 20:1 ratio.
There is also a longer trajectory of racial exclusion at play here, a history that makes the foreclosure crisis yet another chapter in an epic and enduring quest for home. From enslavement to sharecropping, redlining to restrictive covenants, the United States has too often been an inhospitable land for people of color. Fifty years ago, Martin Luther King echoed W.E.B. Dubois in declaring that the African American still “finds himself in exile in his own land.” Today, it’s hard not to see that reality painted across the 2010 census data, where the maps measuring the concentration of vacant houses and the maps measuring the concentration of African Americans, while not exactly the same, are uncomfortably close to a match.
As Ben Austen wrote in The New York Times Magazine, “The U.S. Postal Service, which tracks these numbers, reported that 62,000 properties in Chicago were vacant at the end of last year, with two-thirds of them clustered as if to form a sinkhole in just a few black neighborhoods on the South and West Sides.” The same phenomenon holds true in cities across the country. And once a house is empty in such neighborhoods, all too often, no one is moving back in.
Crime Starts at the Top
“There were feces in the basement, urine, rolled-up carpet,” said Thomas Turner, a housing activist in Chicago describing the inside of a foreclosed home, once owned, according to neighbors, by an 80-year-old man. Under the ownership of the Pittsburgh-based bank PNC, Turner explained, “It was abandoned for six years, so squatters and strippers had punched holes in the walls. There was no toilet, no tub, all the kitchen cabinets were torn out. The bedroom looked like someone had taken a sledgehammer and just started swinging… I still see gang members on the front porch or rolling up real slow in the car.”
Another Chicago resident, Erica Johnson, described a vacant home similarly. “There were clothes, books, broken dressers, little white drug bags, used condoms,” she said. “It was a little drug house, and they were probably bringing their girls up in here.”
Some foreclosed homes become brothels, such as a Deutsche Bank-owned house in South Los Angeles where the girls’ names and prices were scrawled in blue marker across the upstairs walls. Others become meth labs or gang hideouts.
These bank-owned vacant houses help spread crime and poverty in already distressed communities — a reality that became obvious to me when I accompanied Dorian Morris, a certified building inspector, on one of his surveys of the vacant homes on the north side of Minneapolis. Signs on nearly every home advertised the severity of the housing crisis in this area: neon green “no trespassing” stickers on boarded-up foreclosed homes and red “stand together, stop foreclosure” posters on places supporting Occupy Homes Minneapolis. On more than a dozen lots, the only indication that a family once lived there was a skinny red metal rod marking the spot where a razed house once stood.
As in other hard-hit African-American neighborhoods across the country, residents here had organized to stop bank-pursued evictions from stripping the value from the community. Neighborhood support had, for instance, helped a mother named Monique White beat her eviction in a highly publicized six-month battle against US Bank only weeks before I arrived. Still, the never-ending evictions were eating away at the stability of the neighborhood.
“That’s a known crack house,” said Morris, as he pointed at a brick structure less than 100 meters away from a neighborhood park. More than half the homes within sight were boarded up with plywood. Within five minutes, we had passed two former residences he identified as current drug houses and a handful more that he said had already been raided by the police – all foreclosed homes where families used to live.
As we drove, we discussed the illegal chain of events that transformed these homes into drug dens. The crimes started at the top. Banks peddled toxic mortgages like crack, paying employees cash incentives to push them in African-American neighborhoods. The loans exploded, so they forged millions of foreclosure affidavits to speed state-enforced evictions.
Once homes are vacant, bank contractors insufficiently seal and maintain them, allowing intruders to strip the houses of their copper wiring, plumbing and sometimes even the furnace. The copper alone sells for anywhere from 50 cents to a dollar per pound. Finally, people dealing drugs begin to use the houses at night as distribution centers. The street-level crime drags down neighboring property values, spurring more foreclosures and evictions. And so the cycle continues.
Banks are legally obligated to maintain and market their foreclosed properties, but they often shirk those responsibilities — especially in communities of color. In an investigation of more than 1,000 homes across the country, the National Fair Housing Alliance found that bank-owned homes in communities of color were more likely than homes in white neighborhoods to have graffiti and peeling paint on the exterior, trash and dead leaves strewn across the sidewalk, unsecured locks on the doors and be missing “for sale” signs on their front lawns.
Foreclosed houses in such neighborhoods were also 80 percent more likely to have a broken or boarded-up window, and 30 percent more likely to have trash on the front lawn. After a lawsuit, Wells Fargo paid $42 million to settle charges of racially discriminatory maintenance; there’s scant evidence to suggest the practice has changed since. Cities have increased fines levied against banks that don’t maintain their houses, but not a single bank has been held accountable for drug dealing, murders and rapes that occur on their unmaintained or poorly maintained properties. The only “crime” they appear concerned about is when community activists try to fix up such homes and move families in — doing the job the bank was supposed to do in the first place. Then banks call the police to arrest the “trespassers.”
Sacrifice Zones
The double standards in property maintenance lead to an “extremely troubling” trend in home sales: these uninviting neglected houses, disproportionately located in communities of color, are most often being snapped up by investors rather than families. Overwhelmingly, the investor of choice is the Blackstone Group, one of the world’s largest private equity firms and now the nation’s largest owner of single-family homes. Since April 2012, Blackstone has spent more than $4.5 billion buying at least 30,000 houses concentrated in cities hard-hit by foreclosure, including Atlanta, Jacksonville, Orlando, Chicago, Charlotte, Phoenix and urban areas across California. According to local real estate brokers, the company often makes its purchases in cash.
The idea is that there’s big money to be made in rental properties these days, given that there are millions of displaced, former homeowners with wrecked credit scores looking for places to stay. It’s like a pay-to-play game of musical chairs — except Wall Street owns the stereo, the speakers, the chairs and the roof, and somehow when the music stops you’re always out.
Vacant houses, whether owned by banks or Blackstone, create foreclosure spirals, each vacant house dragging down the property values of neighbors, which, in turn, decreases a city’s property tax revenue and the capacity of local government to provide essential services. Shuttered schools in Philadelphia and Chicago. Closed hospitals in Cleveland. Slashed senior programs in Baltimore. All of these essential services, eliminated far more often in communities of color, are the collateral damage of the foreclosure crisis.
A 2011 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office, submitted to the House Subcommittee on Regulatory Affairs, cited nearly a dozen examples of how such declines in tax revenues caused by vacancies have led cities to cut funding for public works, libraries, parks, recreation programs and school districts. One city even cut a program intended to address vacant foreclosed properties, thanks to a tax revenue shortfall.
The final dystopian outcome of this spiral is what journalist Naomi Klein famously termed the shock doctrine: a crisis is pushed so far that it finally justifies dramatic outside intervention (read: privatization). It’s the type of outcome we’re currently seeing in Michigan, where, according to a court ruling last week, “Detroit’s recent bankruptcy filing only emphasizes the broader consequences of predatory lending and the foreclosures that inevitably result.” That city may be undergoing the largest municipal bankruptcy in U.S. history, but unlike when the big banks and giant financial outfits teetered at the edge of collapse, President Obama has made it clear that this time there will be no billion-dollar federal bailout.
“With the mass displacement, it ends up being a situation where people are just like, ‘Well, we’ll just have to bulldoze those homes,’” Chicago organizer Toussaint Losier told me. “They become sacrifice zones rather than places where people bring imaginative solutions.”
The Shield and the Sword
Small groups of community organizers are shouldering the Herculean task of protecting such neighborhoods abandoned by the federal government.
“Look, if you want to take our home, it’s an act of war,” explains Losier, so his group’s response is, metaphorically, “the sword and the shield.” It’s a strategy he learned from the Boston anti-foreclosure group City Life/Vida Urbana. The shield represents the exceedingly modest legal protection afforded to people under a judicial system that assigns more rights to the banks than them — and allows no-guilt settlements for the powerful caught flagrantly breaking the law. (In the case of foreclosure crimes, see for example the $335 million Bank of America discrimination settlement in 2011, the $26 billion robo-signing settlement in 2012, and the $8.5 billion settlement over wrongful foreclosures in 2013.)
The sword represents actions — from petitions to eviction blockades — aimed at stopping evictions and repairing neighborhoods. And yes, there is a life-size, fabricated sword-and-shield set at the City Life office in Boston. First-time attendees of the group’s weekly meetings must hoist the sword over their heads and assert that they are willing to fight for their homes. “Then we will fight with you!” the rest of the group cheers.
Across the country, communities of color deploy these two strategies, and a third that could be called “the paintbrush”: creative tactics aimed at building something new amid the devastation. In Detroit and Philadelphia, neighborhoods are seeding community gardens in hundreds of vacant lots. In Boston, one set of community activists cleaned up their block and dumped the trash — gathered from the front lawn of a foreclosed Bank of America-owned home — on the doorstep of the regional bank president’s brownstone.
In Minnesota and California, grassroots political organizing pressured state legislatures to adopt the nation’s first two homeowner bills of rights. A Barclays report later complained that “servicers have become significantly more cautious when carrying out foreclosure sales” as a result of the legislation. In Chicago, home liberation groups are rehabbing and occupying vacant properties, while anti-violence groups are intervening in the conflicts caused by poverty and mass displacement.
Both of the foreclosed Chicago houses that Thomas Turner and Erica Johnson described as being filled with feces, used condoms and drugs are now clean, painted and occupied. Turner even stenciled small purple birds on the walls of the one he worked on. But the continued scale of the crisis — forgotten by a media more interested in rising home values than eviction notices — requires more than community rehab and tepid financial regulation. It demands that we question, and reimagine, a system of property ownership that has prevented large segments of the population from making real decisions about the communities in which they live. And in case you’re thinking that this is a problem only for Black America, think again. As The New York Times warned in April, “The alchemists of Wall Street are at it again… reviving the same types of investments that many thought were gone for good.”
The question is whether, this time around, we’ll see their potion for what it is: poison that threatens to turn each of us, as W.E.B. Dubois wrote, into “an outcast and a stranger in my own house.

Tuesday, February 25, 2014

Media: Families are still struggling to keep homes, Mitchell



Last Modified: Feb 25, 2014 02:17AM



Yinka Solebo and her husband, Yomi, lived in their Plainfield home for ll years before they were evicted last November.



Like too many homeowners, the Solebos claim they ran into a series of roadblocks when they attempted to get a loan modification after Yomi Solebo lost his job.



“We were paying $1,500 with a 5.5 percent interest rate; the modification came down to the same thing with a 4.5 interest rate,” Yinka Solebo told me as she held up a protest sign outside the PNC Bank branch at 8700 S. Cottage Grove on Monday.



“Interest rates were down and the bank was supposed to do a modification with the current interest rate. They did not.”



A spokesman with Pittsburgh-based bank declined to comment on the Solebos’ complaint. PNC is the fifth largest bank in America and is part of the multibillion dollar settlement government regulators reached with 10 major banks in 2013.



“They kept asking us for documents. We kept faxing and mailing them. At the same time, we were in contact with bank officials every step of the way. After a while, the lawyers sent us an email saying they were not going to do the modification and that the bank preferred we get another loan. We said we could not do that,” Yinka Solebo told me.



In the end, the bank went through with the sale of the residence and the Solebos were evicted. Their household goods were dumped on the curb.



“Everything was stolen by the time we got there,” said Solebo, who added her family was in court during the eviction.



“I wrote the state’s attorney. I wrote the congressman. Nobody was able to do anything. I told them that we had two kids with disabilities, and the bank would not listen. I tried numerous times to tell the court, but the judge would not listen,” she said.



“It is just so sad that so many people on top at the bank don’t know what is going on underneath them. All we want is the house back.”



A housing group in Atlanta put her in touch with the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign, a nonprofit advocacy group established in 2009.



“This is a very difficult situation for her and her family,” acknowledged Toussaint Losier, a spokesman for the organization.



“Part of what we are saying to PNC is that the house is empty right now. It’s vacant. We should, as a society, try to make some sort of solution so that people who are homeless and homes that are empty can connect,” he said.



“If you listen to the news, most of what you hear is that things are getting better and the rate of foreclosures is decreasing. But actually if you look at our neighborhoods across the city of Chicago and across the country, there are still thousands of families going through foreclosure, particularly black and Latino families,” Losier added.



“People are living next to homes that don’t really have the same value that they used to because they have been empty for so long,” he pointed out.



“It is still difficult for people… to actually get the kind of employment to be able to keep up with the mortgage payments that they had in the first place.”



The organization started an online petition on behalf of the Solebos that has 1,200 signatures from people demanding the couple’s home be returned.



The Solebos are not alone.



A recent report by the New York Times found “shoddy paperwork, erroneous fees and wrongful evictions … are now cropping up among the specialty firms that collect mortgage payments.”



Unfortunately, it looks like when it comes to the mortgage industry, the players may have changed but the game is the same.

Tuesday, November 19, 2013

Willie 'JR' Fleming, 2013 US Human Rights Builders Award Winner

JR Fleming, Co-Founder, Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign
Willie "J.R." Fleming is a seasoned community leader and human rights defender.  His activism and organizing work began with the devastating impacts the demolition of public housing had on his community. 


Organizing with groups such as the Chicago Coalition to Protect Public Housing, the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions and the Hip Hop Congress, J.R.’s dedication to enforcing human rights grew.  In 2009 he served as the Chicago City Chair for the UN Human Right to Adequate Housing's official mission to the U.S. 
Shortly after he co-founded the Chicago Anti-Eviction Campaign (AEC) and currently serves as the Executive Director.  In the AEC's first year alone, the organization built a dynamic city-wide Human Right to Housing Collective consisting of CHA tenants and families facing foreclosure.  Their work grew nationally and they helped guide the Campaign to Restore National Housing Rights serving as founding members of its Steering Committee.  

At the state level, the AEC also won a temporary moratorium on "economically motivated" evictions in Cook County.  The AEC helped tenants living in foreclosed properties stay in their homes by coordinating with banks to donate homes to Churches in the community.  As Executive Director of the AEC, JR helps to coordinate foreclosure assistance and trainings with homeowners, tenants, community groups, and churches. 


J.R. is also a national advocate for the Women’s Ex-offender Re-entry Program (CHA,HUD) and has been involved in several successful eviction defenses, among many other victories in struggles over the years.

Announcing 2013 U.S. Human Rights Movement Builders Award Winners

                       
                       
 

Saturday, October 12, 2013

October 17th: Human Rights Regional Hearing



On October 17th, the Chicago Anti-Eviction will co-sponsor the Midwest Regional Human Rights hearing. The purpose of these hearings are to take live testimony of how you, or your community have been impacted by racial discrimination, educational policies/school closings, housing, violence, crime, mass incarceration, access to healthcare, and by the lack of human rights enforcement. 

We are accepting all testimony and our experts will make the connection to the International Covenant on Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Thursday, October 3, 2013

Update: Baxter Jones Wins Modification Offer, But Still Not Enough

After our spirited demo last month at the Chicago offices of Fannie Mae (see YouTube link), Baxter Jones has won an important concession: Fannie has offered a post-foreclosure mortgage modification on the home in Jackson, Michigan, where Baxter had planned to retire after a disabling car accident left him wheel-chair bound. 


That’s the good news. The bad news is that Fannie is demanding a “standard” interest rate of 4.65% and a monthly payment of $1,200— far more than Baxter can afford on disability income of $1,800 a month. Fannie has refused to reduce mortgage principal or sell the home back to an allied investor who offered to buy the property at market value. 

WE NEED TO CALL FANNIE MAE AND DEMAND THEY DO BETTER!
Fannie has the power to do so. A modification subsidized by the federal government’s Home Affordable Modification Program would charge interest of only 2% and require monthly payments of about $700. Instead of reducing principal, it would be collected over a longer term. When he first went into default, Baxter should have been considered for a similar modification under a special forbearance program for people with disabilities, but Wells Fargo, the bank servicing the mortgage for Fannie Mae, foreclosed even though Mr. Jones qualified.

We have moved the struggle forward to save Baxter’s home, but we need to pressure Fannie Mae to do what Wells Fargo should have done in the first place: provide Baxter with a sustainable mortgage modification that matches the HAMP guidelines.

Call Fannie Mae’s regional office in Chicago312-368-6200, or call Chris Daugherty, Escalation Specialist, 972-656-8600
Baxter Jones’ loan number is 025 301 6042. His address is 8789 Rexford Rd., Jackson, Michigan
Tell Fannie to stop the eviction of S. Baxter Jones and provide a low-interest mortgage modification with monthly payments at no more than a third of Baxter’s gross income, matching the HAMP guidelines.

For more information, go to detroitevictiondefense.org

Wednesday, September 18, 2013

National Day of Action for ICCPR


Date: 
Mon Sep 23, 2013
Location: 
United States

CALL TO ACTION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

NATIONAL DAY OF ACTION on SEPTEMBER 23, 2013

Dear Allies and Friends,
Please help us spread the word about the important National Day of Action on September 23, 2013! 

On September 23, 2013, we will come together to make a clear proclamation to our local, state and federal governments, that all human rights are interdependent--not independent. We, social justice, civil liberties and other human rights advocates and activists of all stripes, will make it clear that, whatever our particular organizational focus, we are all fighting  for the same goal: to ensure the dignity of every person in the U.S. and to hold the government accountable for protecting and fulfilling  our human rights.